Zed Books Activism in Jordan

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved. Activism in JordanBy Pénélope Larzillière, Cynthia SchochZed Books LtdCopyright © 2016 Pénélope LarzillièreAll rights reserved.ISBN: 978-1-78360-575-0ContentsACKNOWLEDGEMENTS, INTRODUCTION, 1 The Jordanian regime, 2 Becoming an activist, 3 The student experience, 4 Activism, a way of life, 5 Repression and dissidence, 6 Professional activism as an alternative, 7 New forms of mobilization, 8 Disillusioned Islamists, CONCLUSION, METHODOLOGICAL APPENDIX, NOTES, BIBLIOGRAPHY, INDEX, CHAPTER 1The Jordanian regimeThe political image of the Kingdom of Jordan, both peripheral and attractive to the West, is surprising. By way of example, an American journalist describing a day with Abdullah II gave an account full of stereotypes: a king who was pleasant, modern, pro-Western, a supporter of new technologies and a liberal economy with an eminently elegant and active wife. He was working tirelessly to steer his country towards modernity, notwithstanding the struggles of the rear guard of retrograde forces in Jordanian society and tribal elders, the "old dinosaurs" (the phrase used by the king, according to the journalist). Whatever the personality of the current King of Jordan, this image is rooted in the history of the Jordanian monarchy, which has always been seen as an ally of the West in the region, and in particular for the English and Americans, including in regard to the question of Israel. This aspect conceals another: the authoritarian methods of stabilization used by the regime since the beginning, which are a decisive factor for the opposition. This is why, before examining the activists' biographies, a summary of the construction and functioning of the Jordanian state may be useful.The founding of Jordan was not preceded by a national Jordanian movement, even if anti-colonial Arab nationalist movements were being developed there. Jordan is often considered to be entirely a creation of the British. The majority of activists of all persuasions continue to refer to the artificial nature of Jordan, citing the Sykes-Picot Agreement of May 1916 that divided the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire between France and Great Britain. "Southern Syria", the area to the east of the River Jordan, was allocated to Britain. The mandates granted after World War I confirmed the division, but there were some changes. Palestine to the west of the River Jordan fell under a direct British mandate, and the land east of it became the Emirate of Transjordan in 1921. Emir Abdullah, from Hijaz, a region that is now part of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, was made leader by the British. He was a proponent of anti-Ottoman nationalism under the banner of the Hashemite family, pro-Western, and opposed a second anti-colonial nationalist movement that sought to build a specific Arab identity that made reference to a great Arab past and technological modernity. Abdullah remained under the supervision of the British and declared himself King of Jordan when the emirate became a kingdom in 1946. An Anglo-Jordanian Treaty continued to give Britain a certain number of rights over the kingdom; it was not until 1957 that those ties were officially broken.After the assassination of King Abdullah in 1951, the Hashemite power was weakened, despite continued British support, notably financial assistance. The beginnings of political liberalization took hold, firstly under King Talal, the son of Abdullah, and then, after his abdication, by his grandson Hussein in 1953. Arab nationalists then took on greater political importance as a result of elections, but also due to their ability to mobilize large numbers of protesters. Their demands implied a complete overhaul of the Hashemite regime, the questioning of British involvement, and armed opposition to Israeli infiltration in Jordan. The 1950s were characterized by cycles of political openness and repression that mirrored the power struggle between Arab nationalist